Writing Style

Although Adult Development and Aging covers com­plex issues and difficult topics, we use clear, con­cise, and understandable language. We examined all terms to ensure that their use was essential; other­wise, they were eliminated.

The text is aimed at upper-division undergradu­ate students. Although it will be helpful if students have completed an introductory psychology or life­span human development course, the text does not assume this background.

Instructional Aids

The many pedagogical aids in the fifth edition have been retained and enhanced in the sixth edition.

• Learning Aids in the Chapter Text. Each chapter begins with a chapter outline. At the start of each new section, learning objectives are presented. These objectives are keyed to each primary subsection that follows, and they direct the students’ attention to the main points to be discussed. At the conclusion of each major section are concept checks, one for each primary subsection, which help students spot-check their learning. Key terms are defined in context; the term itself is printed in boldface, with the sentence containing the term’s definition in italic.

• End-of-Chapter Learning Aids. At the end of each chapter are summaries, organized by major sections and primary subsection heads. This approach helps students match the chapter outline with the summary. Numerous review questions, also organized around major sections and primary subsections, are provided to assist students in identifying major points. Integrative questions are included as a way for students to link concepts across sections within and across chapters. Key terms with definitions are listed. Suggestions for additional readings from both the scientific and popular literatures are provided, with estimates of difficulty level based on undergraduates’ evaluations. Key websites are included with brief descriptions of the content of each site.

• Boxes. Three types of boxes are included. Those entitled How Do We Know? draw attention to specific research studies that were discussed briefly in the main body of the text. Details about the study’s design, participants, and outcomes are presented as a way for students to connect the information about these issues in Chapter 1 with specific research throughout the text. Current Controversies boxes raise controversial and provocative issues about topics discussed in the chapter. These boxes get students to think about the implications of research or policy issues and may be used effectively as points of departure for class discussions. Discovering Development boxes give students a way to see developmental principles and concepts in the “real world” as well as some suggestions on how to find others. These boxes provide a starting point for applied projects in either individual or group settings, and help students understand how development is shaped by the interaction of biological, psychological, sociocultural, and life-cycle forces.

Major New Features

The sixth edition represents a thorough revision from the fifth edition, with a new chapter discussing neuroscience and aging. Among the most impor­tant changes are:

• New discussions on the link between brain and behavior.

• New discussions of global aging and the economics of aging.

• New discussions of microgenetic research and the meta-analytic technqiue.

• Revised discussions of osteoporosis, arthritis, theories of aging, and new information about dietary sodium and treatment for chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.

• New How Do We Know? features in Chapters 2, 3,

4, 10, 11, and 13.

• New or revised Current Controversies features in Chapters 2, 3, 5, 10, 11, 13, and 14.

• New discussion of aging in place, home modification, congregate housing, assisted living, special care units, and the Green House concept of small home nursing homes.

• New discussion on ecology of aging and community-based living options, including discussions of assisted living.

• New discussion of gender differences in depression and mortality, and inclusion of a life-span view of alcohol abuse.

• New Discovering Development features on caring for aging parents and on successful aging.

• A new combined chapter on attention and memory that integrates these two areas of research into a more general information processing framework. Links are also made to the earlier chapter on neuroscience and aging.

• New subsection on making end-of-life intentions known.

• New discussion of the four-component model of grief, and the dual process model of coping with grief.

• New section on Social Security and Medicare.

• New discussions on nutrition and exercise.

Introduction to the British Edition

In The Myth of Male Power, I propose a paradigm shift in our assumption chat we have lived in a male-dominated, patriarchal, sexist world. I am proposing that, in Britain as in the United States, we have lived in a world that has been in various ways both male – and female-dominated, both patriarchal and matriarchal, and more bi-sexist than sexist.

Why in virtually every country in which there is an increase in the divorce rate is there also an increase in the tendency of the government to become a substitute husband? Why can a female Prime Minister increase her popularity by sending only males to their deaths while a male Prime Minister would never even think of increasing his popularity by sending only females to their deaths? In each case the propensity to protea women – no matter what the cost to men – runs so deep it is invisible, and thus as a form of sexism it is invisible.

Each chapter in The Myth of Male Power is based on patterns in the male – female dance that are applicable worldwide. Each time 1 give an American example, readers will readily be able to think of a British parallel. For example, in Britain as in the United States, beauty and success may be defined differently but as in almost all countries, the sex objea (female) and the success objea (male) are each other’s first choice.

I find what 1 call a “Stage I versus Stage II" continuum to be a more useful paradigm in understanding the relationship between the sexes than the paradigm of patriarchy versus matriarchy. In Chapter 2 I explain how, in Stage I cultures, both sexes are preoccupied with survival, and when survival-needs dominate, neither sex has power, but roles (her role: raise the children, his role raise the money). In both America and Britain, the first large group of people to be free from preoccupation with survival were women married to men who were successful enough to free their wives from having to focus on survival needs, so that they could focus instead on the goals of self-fulfillment – Stage II goals. Ironically the income that freed the Stage I woman to become a Stage II woman was provided by men so preoccupied with producing that income that they freed their wives without ever freeing themselves.

The Myth of Male Tower explains how it was this female freedom from oppression that led to women having the time to fight for more options, and how this led in turn, in both Britain and the United States, to the era of the Multi-Option Woman and the No-Option Man. For example, the British Equal Opportunities Commission publication Women and Men in Britain: 1993 points out that, during the child-rearing years of their thirties, over 30 percent of women (against 5 percent of men) do not work at all outside the home.1 Of the 69 percent of women who do, more than half work only pan­time.2 Of course, the woman does more work inside the home, so the distinction is not in the amount of work they do but in the options open to them. When a successful woman marries a successful man and they plan to have children, she generally contemplates three options.

1) work full time

2) children full time

3) some combination of work and children

I le, however, considers three “slightly different" options:

1) work full time

2) work full time

3) work full time

While these multiple options are most enjoyed by women who have children, the Equal Opportunities Commission also notes that among women who have no dependent children, approximately one-third of those who work do so only pan-time.5 (Overall, 44 percent of all British women who work do so part-time. In comparison to men, British women are over seven times as likely to be part-time workers.4

It is this male-female gap – between women s options and men’s obligations – that creates the male-female power gap of the nineties. A woman’s more varied options allow her to tailor her lifestyle to both her personality and her values, a man’s more rigid options do not allow him to take his personality, his values or his feelings into account – so how can we expea him to be in touch with his feelings? In The Myth of Male Tower I call for a paradigm shift in our understanding of power, explaining that power is control oier one’s life – not the obligation to earn money so that. someone else can spend it.

The female options and the male obligations, while operating in favour of women on the one hand, operate against women on the other. For example, personnel managers tell us that most people dislike working with statistics but like working with people, which is one reason why we are forced to pay engineers more than language teachers. So a boy who begins to understand that he will have the obligation (not the option) to support a family may prepare himself for a career he likes less but that pays more, such as engineering. He becomes, in Britain, eight times as likely as a woman to enter into a career in engineering or technology; a woman, conversely, is twice as likely to major in languages ‘ Now here’s how this backfires against women: by not preparing women to share financial obligations, we encour­age them to take a job they like more but that pays less, making mothers even more likely to be the parents who will leave their jobs when children come, and leaving them economically more dependent on men. It also hurts men because while his salary pays her to love, no one pays him to love. Thus in both Britain and the U. S., no one pays men to love.

By not understanding how the expectation to earn more is actually a form of social discrimination against men, the Equal Opportunities Commission sees men’s tendency to choose engineering as a reflection of discrimination against women rather than as a way of also discriminating against men.6 And this larger blindness to discrimination against men also allows the Commis­sion to deem it discrimination when men dominate a given field, but not when women do.

In both Britain and America, our denial of the right of men to equal options blinds us to numerous legal inequities, such as the fact that in Britain widowers with children are deprived of state benefits while widows with children are entitled to state benefits; or that a woman can receive social security’ benefits as a dependent, while a man cannot; or that the 700,000 men who become fathers each year have no legal right to time off from work, while mothers do; or that a man who applies for joint custody of his children has an B0 per cent chance of being denied it.7

Similarly, it is only the male parent who has no legal say in whether or not a fetus is aborted Thus 200,000 fetuses are aborted in Great Britain each year without the father having any right to be informed of the woman’s pregnancy.

In both the U. S. and Britain, another belief – in woman-as-victim – has led us to assume that women are always innocent and men are always per­petrators, which has led us to make our statistics conform to our belief. For example, in the U. S. the most common male style of murdering a spouse is to use a gun to shoot her by himself whilst the most common female style is to hire a contract killer or to poison the husband However, the male style is recorded as "a husband killing his wife"; the female style is, to begin with, less likely to be discovered (the professional specializes in not being caught) and, if it is discovered, is recorded statistically as a “multiple – offender killing" – there is no record of it as a woman killing a man. Similarly, the belief that women are by’ nature innocent allowed a woman to poison her husband, have him die of a heart attack, not be suspected, and the corpse not be checked for traces of poison. In England and Wales, the greatest number of murder victims are children under the age of one year, most of whom arc murdered by their mothers. Yet rather than women becoming part of the murder statistics, these murders are listed in a separate statistical category called "infanticide. ”8

The political correctness I discuss in The Myth of Male Pouer permeates the culture, especially in the universities, in both America and in Britain. In the date rape cases of William Kennedy Smith in the U. S. and Austen Donnellan in Britain, the tabloids ran amok with the man’s name while protecting the anonymity of the accusing woman. In virtually no other criminal investigation is the accuser’s name legally prevented from being revealed even as the name of the accused is revealed. The exception is children – and that, of course, shows up the underlying assumption behind protecting only the woman: she has the same lack of responsibility as a child. Yet she has the right to accuse and the right to be protected by anonymity. We will see in The Myth of Male Power how early feminists (myself included) originally opposed protective legislation for women because we understood that such legislation worked on the concept of woman-as-child.

The belief in the need to protect the woman’s name and expose the man’s name in rape cases is based on the false assumption that a woman could have no motivation for a false accusation of rape, and that therefore exposing her name would be exposing the victim to double victimization. However, as I discuss in The Myth of Male Power with respect to the U. S. Air Force study that found between 27 percent and 60 percent of the accusa­tions of rape to be false, in a culture that makes a woman feel guilty about being sexual there are many motivations for false accusations. Given that, the problem with a law revealing only the man’s name is that it can also ruin an innocent man’s life. And the very purpose of a trial is to not assume ahead of time who is innocent and who is guilty, and therefore not assume ahead of time who needs protection.

The Donnellan case reveals yet another U. S/British problem: the tend­ency of the university to become a substitute father for women. Thus the woman who accused Austen Donnellan secured a promise from the college to remove Austen from the college prior to their hearing his account or even corroborating her account. The college became a substitute father to her, turning her into the protected sex and Donnellan into the disposable sex. In The Myth of Male Power I explain why this protection of women deprives women of training for equal responsibility in business and in life. Recently, the feminist establishment has had the power to obtain rights for women when it is to a woman’s advantage and to obtain special protection for women if it is to women’s advantage. Equality has taken a back seat.

The subscript of political correctness is woman-as-innocent, man-as – perpetrator, and both rely on the underlying belief that men have all the power, as a justification for men and men alone assuming new burdens, while only women receive new options – even sexually. Thus with date rape and sexual harassment on the agenda many men now feel that there is no such thing as safe sex: they’re still expected to take the sexual initiatives, but if they do it too slowly, they’re a wimp; if they do it too quickly, or with the wrong person, or at the wrong time or place, they’re a date rapist or sexual harasser. Today, a man who puts his penis in a woman’s body puts his life in a woman’s hands. Little did any of us realize that Orwell’s biggest mistake would be his sexism: his portrayal in 1984 of Big Brother, not Big Sister.

In The Myth of Male Pouter I look at how we have taken women’s traditional area of sacrifice – raising children – and called it "sacrifice,” while we have taken men’s area of sacrifice – raising money – and called it “power.” This blindness to male obligations has led to a corresponding blindness to the stress men accumulate in their fear of failing to provide enough money to feed their family – stress that leads to higher rates of heart attacks and shorter life spans, more alcoholism, poorer listening skills, fear of therapy and commitment, divorces and suicides. My attempt, in The Myth of Male /Ъи>ег, is to help both sexes understand how, as long as only one sex wins, both sexes lose.

Introduction

Judith Gardner and Judy El Bushra

Why were you born?

Why did you arrive at dusk?

In your place a boy Would have been welcome Sweet dates would have Been my reward.

The clan would be rejoicing A lamb would have Been slaughtered For the occasion,

And I would have Been glorified.1

Somalia grabbed international attention in 1992 as the world’s media broadcast images of a people dying from hunger in the midst of a terrifyingly violent conflict between competing warlords and their drug-crazed fighters vying for control of a collapsed state. Later that year television cameras followed American troops as they landed on the beaches of the capital Mogadishu to lead what turned out to be a disastrous United Nations intervention intended to end hunger and restore peace.

The Somali state had collapsed in 1991 as civil war engulfed Mogadishu and the corrupt and oppressive military regime of President Mohamed Siad Barre was forced from power. After 30 years of independence Somalia had ceased to function as a single state. In May 1991 the north west regions seceded from the rest of Somalia to form the independent Republic of Somaliland.2 Here a fragile peace was quickly established and fledgling governmental and non-gov­ernmental organisations emerged to take responsibility for governance, security and reconstruction. Elsewhere, notably in Mogadishu and further south, Siad Barre’s fall gave way to clan-based militia warfare that brought terror to hundreds of thousands of people.

Described by a US diplomat in 1992 as ‘the worst humanitarian crisis faced by any people in the world’, Somalia had by the end of that year seen an estimated 500,000 people – 300,000 of them children – die in the war and subsequent famine.3 Some 1.5 million Somalis had fled to neighbouring countries and beyond.

But the world’s attention soon switched to the atrocities of the Rwandan genocide in 1994, followed later by the crisis in Kosovo. Only as a result of the post-11 September war on terrorism has Somalia again touched the headlines in the West, this time as a suspected haven for Islamic terrorist groups.

Mama, PhD

I received my PhD in religious studies, with honors, from Duke University in May 1993. That August I joined the faculty of the University of Florida as an assistant professor. I was never more proud. Five years later I sub­mitted my tenure portfolio, filled with articles and teaching awards, a book and an anthology. I had received several grants during that time, includ­ing one from the American Council of Learned Societies. The university itself had supported my research very generously, both with summer travel grants and grants to match those earned elsewhere, and it was because of the university’s generosity that I could publish as much as I did. Tenure, too, went relatively smoothly. To all intents and purposes, I was one of academe’s young success stories.

During the spring in which my tenure file left the dean’s office and hovered somewhere out of my grasp between the desk of the provost and the conference table of the board of trustees, I learned I was pregnant. It wasn’t something I planned; I had been working too hard during that period in my life to plan much of anything. My only goal was tenure, the job continuity and security that would allow me to continue the work for which I had been trained. I went about my life as an assistant professor diligently and fairly single-mindedly. I remember a conversation with my best friend, Laura, also an assistant professor, in which we mapped out our five-year plans, and at the top of the list, the sine qua non, was tenure. That was it. That I fell in love and married during that time is partially a blur, a series of moments that punctuated my work.

As soon as my tenure was approved by the dean’s office, I asked for a year’s leave of absence. The demands for tenure had been extraordinarily high, and the tenure process itself was a bear. As it turned out, I had not enjoyed my time as an assistant professor. My department’s politics were bruising and petty. The normative questions of my discipline began to feel

too narrow. I no longer felt compelled by the areas in which I’d been trained. I had learned during my early professorial years that writing was a passion, and that my questions and curiosities went beyond the aca­demic. I sought leave because I wondered what else was out there, beyond the ivory tower. My leave was approved, and a month or so later, I realized I was pregnant.

I have written in The Truth Behind the Mommy Wars of my surprise when I learned that although my university was working hard to support women faculty—hence the generous research awards and other policies that helped me so much—they had not yet figured out how to support women who became pregnant. That was my own naivete. In retrospect I should have been shocked, but not surprised. The lack of a leave policy for professors with young children, of family-leave policies that would keep these professors in the academy and moving ahead on their professional paths, is a story repeated at nearly every other university and college in the nation. It is a story with tremendous human fallout. For years, the academy has been experiencing a brain drain of women—women who are highly skilled and expensively trained, and whom our society needs not to lose. We also have witnessed the well-documented personal challenges that mother-professors face—the incredible and extraordinary and overwhelm­ing exhaustion of doing their academic jobs with children, in an academic culture that doesn’t recognize how much labor is entailed in either.

It’s a poorly kept secret within the world of colleges and universities that parents struggle, and we’ve been seeing for some time now the loss that universities suffer when mother-professors take their skills elsewhere. We’ve recognized that this situation hurts our universities and that it hurts men who father, but that it particularly maims women, who in most fam­ilies still bear the work of child raising. We know that an older generation of women academics largely kept this problem quiet, grateful to have got­ten in the door at all, and that in some respects, it was perhaps easier to manage children and academic life before the ramp-up in standards for tenure. Researchers know nearly everything there is to know about the problems that currently exist.

The real question, then, is why has so little changed? Why is the brain drain not being acknowledged? Why is the loss of so many women at so many places in the doctoral and professorial pipeline not being seen, and addressed, as a truly urgent problem? Despite its progressive reputation, academe lags behind more market-driven professions in providing support for workers with children. In contrast, for example, to the worlds ofbusiness

and law, academe’s conversation about supporting and retaining profes­sors with young children is moving ahead very slowly.

It must also be said that much of the impetus for change within our universities is coming from the outside, from organizations such as the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, which created academic Centers for Working Families. The Posen Foundation funds child care for professors at the annual meetings of the Association for Jewish Studies, and at their own annual meeting. The foundation’s projects in Jewish Secular Studies are filled with professors—male and female—who are parents of young chil­dren, and the foundation does not want to lose them during these years. To support their vision that professors can be parents and parents can be professors, in the past four years, the foundation has spent nearly twenty – five thousand dollars on child care.

Women in the United States have a long, storied, and hard-fought his­tory of claiming positions in our universities, positions from which we can produce the research and new perspectives that shape our society’s future, positions from which we can teach new generations of students. Women want the same opportunity that men have to produce knowledge. We want to be part of that excitement and that responsibility.

At its worst, the professoriate is a callow institution, shortsighted and heartless. At its best, though, it has a venerable history as the gateway to the production of vibrant new ideas, of empathic and rigorous education that indirectly and at times very directly shapes our nation’s cultural and intellec­tual life. It is also an institution that comes with an incredible commitment to each professor’s lifelong contributions, which makes it all the more puz­zling that efforts to suggest that universities take special care of their fac­ulty during the years of a child’s new life have so slowly gained traction.

For my part, I ended up leaving my academic job. After my first child was born, I took a year or two of unpaid leave. I agreed to some adjunct work at local universities, then, a few years in, I resigned my tenure. I con­tinued to teach, but in those years I began to find my path to a new career as an author. The Truth Behind the Mommy Wars was my attempt to explain the challenges and discrimination that women and mothers face in our society, the book in which I realized over and again that the work and family problem is bigger than any one of us, more than any one woman or man can solve.

The essays in this book extend that realization, documenting what hap­pens when smart women consider motherhood in the context of insti­tutions that have barely gotten used to the presence of women, let alone mothers who might prefer ordinary human lives where they are home for dinner, and have some time with the kids before they go to sleep. The essays question the academy’s intransigence, asking why, on the whole, it’s been so hard for something so humane as parenting to be taken seri­ously. But they also showcase glimmers of hope, as they ponder how to shift the reigning discourse so that being a parent will come to be seen as compatible with being a professor.

miriam peskowitz

INTRODUCTION

Postfeminism, as an expression of a stage in the constant evolutionary movement of feminism, has gained greater currency in recent years. Once seen, somewhat crudely, as ‘anti-feminist’, the term is now understood as a useful conceptual frame of reference encompassing the intersection of feminism with a number of other anti-foundationalist movements including postmodernism, post-structuralism and post-colonialism. Postfeminism represents, as Yeatman (1994:49) claims, feminism’s ‘coming of age’, its maturity into a confident body of theory and politics, representing pluralism and difference and reflecting on its position in relation to other philosophical and political movements similarly demanding change.

Adult Development and Aging

The 21st century is certainly one of major change. The issues confronting society are the reason that having a solid grounding in research and theory about adult development and aging is essential even for understanding news events. The health care debate of 2009 brought many issues to the fore, including Medicare, end-of-life issues, and longev­ity. Other news stories about genetic breakthroughs, stem cell research, new brain-imaging techniques for studying cognition, and the latest breakthrough in treating dementia were reported quite frequently. To understand why these issues are so critical, one must understand aging in a broader context. That is why Adult Development and Aging is now in its sixth edition.

The first few decades of this century will witness a fundamental change in the face of the popula­tion—literally. Along with many countries in the industrialized world, the United States will experi­ence an explosive growth in the older adult popula­tion due to the aging of the baby-boom generation. Additionally, the proportion of older adults who are African American, Latino, Asian American, and Native American will increase rapidly. To deal with these changes, new approaches will need to be created through the combined efforts of people in many occupations—academics, gerontologists, social workers, health care professionals, financial experts, marketing professionals, teachers, factory workers, technologists, government workers, human service providers, and nutritionists, to mention just a few. Every reader of this book, regardless of his or her area of expertise, will need to understand older adults in order to master the art of living.

This sixth edition of Adult Development and Aging continues to provide in-depth coverage of

XII the major issues in the psychology of adult develop­ment and aging. The sixth edition adds numerous topics and provides expanded coverage of many of the ones discussed in earlier editions.

 

A note on Somali poetry

We have included a number of poems composed by Somali women (and translated from Somali) to illustrate certain points of concern to the authors. Where the poets and translators are known, we have given their names.

In a society without a written common language until 1972 oral poetry has a special place in Somali life. The eminent Somali language scholar, the late Professor B. W. Andrezejewski noted in his introduc­tion to An Anthology of Somali Poetry:

When Sir Richard Burton visited Somalia in 1854 he found that a most striking characteristic of its inhabitants was their love of poetry… so that the phrase ‘a nation of poets’ became current among people acquainted with the Horn of Africa.1

The ‘Somali devotion to poetry’ is more than an appreciation of an art form described by Andrezejewski as ‘reminiscent of Classical Greek’ (Andrezejewski 1993):

Before the Second World War oral poetry was used in inter-clan and national politics as a weapon of propaganda and to bring peace where there was conflict; it was used in forging new alliances and reviving old ones; it was used to praise or criticise friends and opponents. Poetry also provided entertainment. By custom, opinions expressed in verse could be much sharper in tone than anything said in ordinary language.2

The Somali dictator Siad Barre acknowledged the potency of oral poetry early in his reign when he tried and failed to stamp out anti­government poetry by imprisoning poets such as Hadraawi and Abdi Aden Gays. Women in this book (see Chapter 6 for example) refer to the way certain poems helped end outbreaks of violence during the civil war. Women have used verse to build support for women’s empowerment and human rights (see Chapter 9).

Scansion, alliteration, imagery and message are all qualities by which a poem is judged in Somalia. Whilst there are no cultural restrictions on who can be a poet, they have tended to be spokes­persons for their group. There are, however, poetic forms for women and poetic forms for men. The buraanbur, examples of which are included in this book, is the highest poetic form in women’s literature and has sub-categories which include the hobeeyo (lullaby), the hoyal (work songs) and the sitaat (religious songs). The Somali scholars, Dahabo Farah Hassan, Amina Adan and Amina Warsame, point out that ‘Gabay, the highest of all poetic forms, is considered male territory and women are discouraged to participate in its composition’.3

Andrezejewski (1993) noted in An Anthology of Somali Poetry that ‘although there have been many women poets, their poetry seldom reached the public forum; in the traditional Somali society it would have been recited within a limited circle of family and friends’. Hassan et al go further:

… you will never hear of a great woman poet in Somali history, while there have been a great many celebrated male poets, whose poems have been documented and memorised by a large number of people. . This, of course, does not mean there were no women poets; but the reality is that nobody, neither foreigners nor the Somalis themselves, bothered to view women’s literature and the themes they talked about as important enough to be recorded. Even the women themselves did not see their importance because they had internalised the idea that their culture was of less signif­icance than men’s. (Hassan et al 1995)

NOTES

1. B. W. & Sheila Andrezejewski (1993) An Anthology of Somali Poetry (Indiana: Indiana University Press).

2. Cited in Faraax Cawl (1982) Ignorance is the Enemy of Love (London: Zed Press).

3. Dahabo Farah Hassan et al (1995) ‘Somalia: Poetry as Resistance Against Colonialism and Patriarchy’, in Saskia Wieringa (ed.) Subversive Women: Historical Experiences of Gender and Resistance (London: Zed Books).

Editors’ note

Because we have attempted to preserve each author’s personal approach, the style and structure of the material varies between chapters. For example, some include notes and bibliographies, others don’t.

On the assumption that Somali spellings might present difficulties for non-Somali readers all the contributors spontaneously chose the most frequently-used spellings of Somali places and names, many of which differ from the spellings according to the 1972 Somali orthography. (In 1972 the Somali language became a unified written language; before that it was oral although there were some written versions in English and some in Arabic.) For example, Baidoa is used instead of Baydhaba, Asha instead of Casha. We have respected the authors’ decision and tried to maintain common spellings throughout.